I had a few friends who were interested in reading this so I thought this was the easiest way to share. This assignment received a Distinction grade.
Intimate Partner Sexual Violence: A
Review of Current Literature and Consideration of Possible Future Research
Directions
Intimate Partner Sexual Violence (IPSV) is the subject of an
ever growing body of peer-reviewed and non-academic literature. From the
ground-breaking studies of the late 1970s and 1980s until now a lot has been
learned about the rape of women by current and past intimate partners. Drawing
on thirty years of research, and reviewing literature from academics,
activists, service providers and survivors, this essay will explore the subject
of Intimate Partner Sexual Violence, and consider possible future research
directions.
The term IPSV was chosen for this essay as it covers the
diversity of relationships and types of sexual violence in which IPSV may be
seen. However it does not highlight the gendered nature of this type of
violence, with women overwhelmingly the victims of their male partners (Heenan, 2004). It is this dynamic that
is covered in the majority of IPSV literature, and therefore this essay. The
term victim has been used in this essay to acknowledge that IPSV is something
that is done to a person against their will. Throughout this essay the voices
of the victims have been used to illustrate the discussion and to remind
readers that, regardless of the volume of research available, this is a very
human issue that deserves to be given a human voice.
DEFINING THE ISSUE:
Intimate
Partner Sexual Violence (IPSV) is one of the currently used terms for sexual
violence perpetrated against a person by a past or current intimate partner. It
is also known as Intimate Partner Sexual Assault, and wife, partner, or spouse rape.
The term intimate partner is used for two reasons; firstly it acknowledges that
the specific dynamic and consequences of this type of sexual violence can occur
in relationships other than marriage; and secondly it is acknowledges that both
females and males can be perpetrators and victims, and that it can occur in
both heterosexual and homosexual relationships. However, IPSV is overwhelmingly
a form of gendered violence with female victims of male perpetrators being the
most commonly seen dynamic (Heenan, 2004).
The terms sexual violence and sexual abuse are used because they more
fully encompass the wide range of sexual behaviour that may occur. IPSV is
generally one part of a wider pattern of abuse that can include battery,
emotional and psychological abuse, reproductive coercion and control, and
geographic and social isolation (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006) however, Russell
warns that “Wife rape cannot, and must not be subsumed under the battered women
rubric.” (Russell, 1982, p. 101)
IPSV is a frequently seen sexual assault dynamic, with rapes
by a current or past intimate partner accounting for over 26% of all reported
rapes (Australian Bureau of Statistics,
2004).
It is also commonly seen in relationships in which other forms of violence and
abuse occur with up to 80% of women reporting physical battery within a
relationship also reporting sexual violence (Evans, 2007; Russell, 1982). However Finkelhor and Yllo’s caution that “we must
guard against replacing the old sanitary stereotype – that marital-rape is
little more than a marital tiff – with a new stereotype – that marital-rape
victims are all battered wives.” (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985, p. 37), is an
important reminder that “1% to 10% of women in nonbattering relationships have
been found to report incidents of marital rape.” (Langhinrichsen-Rohling & Monson, 1998), and that for them
traditional thought on battered women and their relationships may have little
relevance.
There is no standard definition used across all the
literature for IPSV, in part due to the varied and changing legal definitions
of rape and consent. Russell’s seminal study into wife rape used a compromise
between the then current legal definition of rape, which had a requirement of
force, and feminist thought which saw all unwanted sexual intimacy as a form of
rape (Russell, 1982, p. 43). More recent
literature uses a definition of rape that relies on consent rather than force (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006; Women's Health Goulburn North
East, 2008),
mirroring current legal definitions of rape and sexual assault, and consent (Government of Victoria, 2012; NSW Government, 2012).
IPSV can include a wide range of sexually abusive behaviours;
from sexually abusive touch, and being forced to touch the abuser sexually, to
vaginal, oral, and anal rape. It can also include being forced to view
pornography, be involved in sadomasochistic sexual activity, or even being set
up by the abuser for rape by others, including gang rape (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006). Behaviours that
affect reproductive and contraceptive choice, such as sabotaging or refusing
access to contraception, refusing to use contraceptives, and refusing to permit
a pregnant partner to have an abortion (McOrmond-Plummer, 2011) can also be included.
“Pregnancy-controlling behaviors are certainly not exclusive to abusive
relationships, but women experiencing partner violence appear to be at higher
risk for experiencing reproductive coercion, and the experience of partner
violence amplifies the impact of such coercion on women's risk for unintended
pregnancy.” (Miller, 2010, p. 458) IPSV can be a
one-off event or may happen repeatedly, with some 30% of victims reporting
twenty or more incidents of rape by a partner, and the same number reporting
one-off events (Russell, 1982).
One night, he came off the
road and decided he was going to fulfil a fantasy of his own and ‘fuck’ his
wife when he got home. He woke me up. I said no but he didn’t care. He was
nearly three times my size so when it became clear he was going to do what he
was going to do, I quit fighting and probably dissociated through the rest of
it. (Jill)
(Easteal &
McOrmond-Plummer, 2006, p. 26)
The rape happened several times. It was all through my
marriage. It was all through the time before I was married.
(“Anne”, cited in
Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008, p. 27)
A high percentage of sex was without consent. Twice a day he
would want sex and was never ever satisfied.
(“Rebecca”, cited in
Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008, p. 29)
Finkelhor and Yllo describe three main types of partner rape;
battering rape, force-only rape, and obsessive rape (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). These three
categories roughly equate to Groth’s typologies of rapists; the anger rapist,
the power rapist, and the sadistic rapist (Groth,
1979, as cited in Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006). In battering
rape the anger rapist is punishing his victim. There is a lot of overt violence
and physical injury is common. The anger rapist in a domestic situation is
typically a man who will use a lot of physical violence during the course of
the relationship.
He was sometimes very violent during sex. He would hit,
punch, or beat me during or prior to intercourse, or for refusing to submit.
(Nichole)
(Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006, p. 69)
The power rapist, in what has been termed a force-only rape,
uses only as much physical force as is necessary to complete the sexual act.
This is may be limited to using their often superior size and strength to hold
down and restrain their victim.
But I just knew there was no way to pass it off or get away…
I didn’t want to, but I felt pinned down by his weight on top of me. I just
wanted to get it over with.
(“Kayla”, cited in
Bergen, 1995, p. 14)
The third type, obsessive rape, frequently has a ritualistic
quality to it and may include elements of bondage and torture.
Melanie’s husband also had the customary predilection for
unusual sexual activities: practicing anal intercourse, inserting objects into his
wife’s vagina, tying her up.
(Finkelhor
& Yllo, 1985, p. 54)
Sadistic/obsessive rape is frequently linked to a
perpetrators use of pornography (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006; Finkelhor
& Yllo, 1985).
Both battering/anger and sadistic/obsessive rapes may result in physical injury
and pain, however in battering rape the pain is used to punish the victim,
while in sadistic/obsessive rapes the pain of the victim is used to arouse the
perpetrator (Groth, 1979, as cited in Finkelhor
& Yllo, 1985).
The staged rapes aroused him because they frightened her. His
taste in pornography ran toward the brutal. This man needed to humiliate his
wife in order to enjoy sex.
(Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985, p. 54)
LEGAL HISTORY AND LEGISLATION:
Until just over thirty years ago there were no laws in
Australia, or the United States, against rape and sexual assault within
marriages (Easteal, 1998; Russell, 1982)According to Woolley,
there were four main justifications for these marital rape exemptions:
(1)according to biblical and Roman Law, a woman was the legal
property of her husband, or father if unmarried; (2) the feudal doctrine of
coverture stipulated that a woman’s independence was consolidated or subsumed
into that of her husband, holding the married couple as one at law; (3) the
reluctance of courts and law enforcement to interfere with private matters within
a marriage; and (4) as Sir Mathew Hale, the Chief Justice in
seventeenth-century England, proposed, marriage granted a wife’s ongoing and
unbreakable consent to sexual intercourse.
(Woolley, 2007)
This last point is known as the Hale doctrine and is the
basis in law for marital rape exemptions that existed in countries such as
England, the United States of America and Australia. In 1736 Sir Matthew Hale
said “But the husband cannot be guilty of rape committed by himself against his
lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial consent and contract the wife hath
given up herself in this kind unto her husband, which she cannot retract.” (quoted in Russell, 1982, p. 17). While there was no
legal basis to support these words (Easteal,
1998),
the Hale Doctrine became the basis in law for irrovecable sexual consent by
women upon marriage. Even now many
American states retain some form of marital rape exemption, mostly relating to
when the victim is unable to consent (Bergen, 1996). The arguments for the
retention of the marital rape exemption include the right to privacy from legal
interventions in the marital home, the belief that sexual assault by a spouse
is not as harmful as that by a stranger, the theory that exemptions promote
maintaining the marital relationship, and it protects men from false
allegations made by vindictive wives (Easteal, 1998).
Marital rape exemptions have not existed in any Australian
state or territory since 1987 (Easteal, 1998). However, Heenan
considers this a technical point, believing that the justice system has not yet
caught up with the legislation, as few cases make it to court (Heenan, 2004), and those IPSV
cases that do make it into the criminal courts are among the most brutal, with
severe co-occurring battery and resulting physical injury (Russell, 1982).
While legal rape definitions in Australia are dependent on a lack of
free and willing consent (Government of Victoria, 2012; NSW Government, 2012), Australian courts
have seen some controversy regarding rapes by a current or former partner, with
the judge in one South Australian case declaring that a measure of rougher than
normal handling as a means of persuasion to consent being acceptable, and a defence
barrister in the ACT telling the court that consent given grudgingly or
tearfully is still consent (Easteal, 1998), despite the legal
definition requiring that it be given freely and willingly, without threat or
coercion.
PREVALENCE AND INCIDENCE:
The most commonly used prevalence statistics for IPSV state
that between 10% and 14% of women have experienced one or more incidents of
rape or attempted rape by a past or current partner in their lifetime (Basile, 2002; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell,
1982),however the differences between the means of data
collection, survey population selection, and definitions used could present
some difficulties in obtaining a truly accurate and consistent figure. Diana
Russell’s prevalence rate of 14%, from her late 1970’s survey of 930 women is
considered to be an accurate figure, as it was gained from a random sampling of
women that is considered to be representitive of women in the survey area (Russell,
1982).
This survery used a definition of rape that was a compromise between the legal
definition, which required an element of force or an inability to consent and
included only penile-vaginal penetration, and the feminist prefered definition,
so that she included oral and anal rape as well. The women included in the
survey were those who were, or had ever been, married or in a long-term
co-habiting relationship (Russell, 1982). By contrast,
Finkelhor and Yllo’s figure of 10% came from a survey that looked only at
attempted or completed forcible rape. Their survey of 326 women came out of a
larger study related to child sexual assault and included only women with
children aged between six and fourteen years of age, completely excluding women
with no children or whose children had left home (Finkelhor & Yllo,
1985).
Prevalence figures taken from crime statistics include only those incidents
that were reported to police and met the legal criteria for rape or sexual
assault, and many victims do not report incidents of IPSV to the police (Women's
Health Goulburn North East, 2008).
With such disparate means of collecting
information used it is understandable that there are still some questions
regarding the true prevalence of IPSV, however the commonly used prevalence
rates have been shown to be relatively consitent, despite the disparities. Australian figures are in line with
the results from the USA, with the 1996 Women’s Safety Survey finding that 10%
of women have been sexually assaulted by a current or former intimate partner.
The same survey also found an annual incidence rate for IPSV of 0.12%, or approximately
24,500 women. While this looks to be a relatively small number it equates to
some fifteen times the annual national road toll (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008).
The population groups not included in the surveys must be
considered when assessing prevalence rates of IPSV. For example, in the Women’s
Safety Survey women in prison or transitional housing (e.g. refuges),
Indigenous Australian women, and women from non-English speaking backgrounds, and
those living in rural and remote areas were “grossly under-represented or
absent entirely from the ABS findings.” (Heenan, 2004, p. 11) Many women who access refuges do so to escape
from intimate partner violence. As many women who have been battered have also
experienced rape by their abusive partner it would be reasonable to assume that
they would have a higher rate of IPSV than the general population, and that
their inclusion would have seen an increase in the incidence and prevalence
rates. There is evidence that suggests
that “Aboriginal women in remote and regional areas are 45 times more likely to
be victims of domestic violence than non-Aboriginal women.” (Heenan, 2004, p. 11), which in turn
suggests that they are more likely to be victims of IPSV. In many surveys only
women who have been married to, or in a long-term co-habiting relationship with
the perpetrator have been included (Basile, 2002; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell,
1982).
This excludes women who have never lived with their abuser, particularly teens,
although they too are vulnerable to rape and sexual assault by an intimate (Duncan & Western, 2011; Easteal &
McOrmond-Plummer, 2006). Likewise, the types of assault included
means that women whose experiences did not fit the definition of rape used,
particularly where the authors have used a definition that has required an
element of force and excluded other forms of coercion, are excluded. Some
authors caution that these types of restriction on the population groups
surveyed may have the effect of leading to prevalence rates underestimating the
true rate of IPSV (Russell, 1982).
EFFECTS OF IPSV:
Victims of IPSV may suffer physical and/or psychological
consequences from their experiences. IPSV has been shown to cause a wide range
of physical injury, particularly if there is co-occurring battery. Physical effects of IPSV include sexual
injuries such as tearing and stretching of the genitals, urinary tract
infections, sexually transmitted diseases including HIV and Hepatitis B,
miscarriage, still birth, and infertility. There is also an increased risk of
unwanted and unplanned pregnancy. Non-sexual injury such as bruising, bites,
lacerations, and fractures may also occur, especially if a sexual assault is
violent, as in the case of many anger and sadistic rapes (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006).
I experienced some tearing that was not repaired and can
cause me significant pain. (Summer)
Marg shares: ‘He was trying to get me pregnant. He said, “I
want another kid – maybe that will shut you fucking up.”
(Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006, p. 121)
IPSV meets the Australian Psychological Society’s (APS)
definition of a potentially traumatic event, in that it is a threat to physical
and/or psychological wellbeing (Australian Psychological Society , n.d.). The APS describes the symptoms of trauma as
falling into four categories; physical, cognitive, behavioural and emotional,
and can include such things as excessive alertness, disturbed sleep, intrusive
thoughts and memories of the event, nightmares, social isolation and withdrawal
and anxiety and panic. These are considered normal reactions to trauma,
provided they are not too severe and don’t last too long (Australian Psychological Society , n.d.). Other psychological
effects of IPSV can include grief reactions, depression and anxiety (McOrmond-Plummer, 2011).
As IPSV is generally chronic in nature there is a greater
possibility of developing more than a simple trauma reaction. Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) is a
common consequence of IPSV (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006). Classified as an
anxiety disorder, PTSD is a traumatic response that lasts for longer than a
month and causes significant impairment (Australian Psychological Society , n.d.). It can develop
after experiencing or witnessing events that pose a severe threat to physical
and/or psychological wellbeing, such as serious accidents, natural disasters
and interpersonal violence such as physical and sexual assaults (Herman, 2001). Symptoms of PTSD fall into
three categories; hyper-arousal; intrusion or re-experiencing; and constriction
or avoidance and are similar to, although more severe than, the symptoms of a
normal traumatic reaction.
Hyper-arousal symptoms are the result of the mind and body
being constantly on alert for danger. In a hyper-aroused state a person
“startles easily, reacts irritably to small provocations and sleeps poorly.” (Herman, 2001, p. 35) At the time of the traumatic event these are
physiologically based reactions that try to protect a person from danger. Intrusion
symptoms include flashbacks, which may include a feeling of re-experiencing the
traumatic event physically and/or emotionally or may take the form of a movie
or soundtrack in the mind, nightmares, and intrusive memories of the trauma (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006).
I have had one ‘flashback’ and
it was what lead me to counselling two months ago. It was so vivid and so
terrifying. (Adair)
I have a mild form of
flashback. I don’t think or feel that I’m there, but I can see myself on that
night as though I was watching it on TV. (Emma)
During the course of
day-to-day living, I have recurring memories of the assaults. There are some
things you just can’t run from, and one of these is your memory. (Jennifer)
(Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006, pp. 137-138)
Constriction or
avoidance symptoms can be likened to an animal freezing when caught in the
headlights of a car. Perceptions can be distorted, pain and emotions numbed and
the sense of time altered. There may be a feeling of not being real or of
watching events rather than being a part of them, of being dissociated (Herman, 2001).
A rape survivor describes this detached state: “I left my
body at that point. I was over next to the bed, watching this happen. . . I
dissociated from the helplessness. I was standing next to me and there was just
this shell on the bed. . . . There was just a feeling of flatness. I was just
there. When I repicture the room, I don’t picture it from the bed. I picture it
from the side of the bed. That’s where I was watching from.”
(Herman, 2001, p. 43)
Like hyper-arousal symptoms, constriction and dissociation at
the time of trauma are defence mechanisms aimed at protecting the person from
enduring the full emotional force of the traumatic event (Herman, 2001).
Judith Lewis Herman suggest that traumatic reactions need to
be “understood as a spectrum of conditions rather than a single disorder” (2001, p. 119), and that this
spectrum ranges from brief stress reactions that resolve without intervention,
to Acute Stress Disorder and PTSD, to what she calls complex-PTSD, which
encompasses a “complex syndrome of prolonged, repeated trauma.” (2001, p. 119) She outlined seven categories
she believed needed to be met for a diagnosis of C-PTSD. Both the American
Psychiatric Association and the International Classification of Diseases are
developing entries for their next diagnostic volumes to cover C-PTSD, although
both have chosen different names (disorder of extreme stress not otherwise
specified and personality change from catastrophic experience, respectively) (Herman, 1992).
Further adding to the trauma of IPSV is what has been termed
secondary wounding (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008). This is emotional wounding by others outside
the relationship, and can be based in ignorance, the acceptance of stereotyped
beliefs about rape and domestic violence, religious beliefs, and denial. It can
range from people declaring that anyone who doesn’t leave a violent
relationship gets what they deserve, to being told that divorce is a sin, to
people saying that there is no such thing as rape within intimate
relationships. It can even include those who make friendship or support for the
victim contingent on their help being accepted then and there, regardless of
the feelings of the victim. Secondary wounding can come from friends, family,
clergy and professionals. It has the effect of further silencing victims, and
making them doubt themselves and their perceptions (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006; Women's Health Goulburn North East,
2008).
PERPETRATORS:
There is little information available about the men who
perpetrate IPSV, and most of what is available is taken from the victim’s point
of view. The only article accessed that surveyed potential perpetrators of
IPSV, a cross-sectional study conducted in Cape Town, South Africa, found that
209 (15.3%) of 1386 men surveyed reported forcing or attempting to force a
partner to have sexual intercourse at some time in the previous five years (Abrahams, Jewkes, Hoffman, & Laubsher, 2004). The study looked at
a wide range of variables in the men, including drug and alcohol use, gang
affiliation, and exposure to violence during childhood. It also included
partner variables, such as why there was conflict over sexual relations. In
contrast to most other studies this one looked at the victim from the
perpetrators’ point of view, rather than the other way around (Abrahams, Jewkes, Hoffman, & Laubsher, 2004).
As a part of their study, Finkelhor and Yllo interviewed three
men who admitted to raping their wives (1985). They commented on the
men’s unassuming manner and appearance, indicating the depth of the societal
myth that rapists look somehow different to ‘normal’ men. Of one they said “He was, in fact, such a
nice, average guy that after meeting him it was much easier to say with
conviction that almost any husband can be a rapist.” (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985, p. 70) While these
interview subjects were perhaps atypical, with none being chronic batterers and
all expressing remorse over their actions, each of them spoke freely of their
desire to dominate their partner sexually, and of using sex as a punishment,
which differs from Finkelhor and Yllo’s own typology of a force-only rapist (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). And, on probing,
the remorse of at least one comes across as superficial:
I guess I felt some shame when I looked down on the floor and
saw her sobbing. But I knew she wasn’t physically hurt. After that she wouldn’t
let me into the bedroom, and she called me every name in the book. I’m not
proud of it, but, damn it, I walked around with a smile on my face for three
days. You could say, I suppose, that I raped her.
(“Ross”, cited in
Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985, p. 66)
The fact that the partner rapists were of normal appearance was
a point worth noting by Finkelhor and Yllo is in contrast with how the women in
the Raped by a Partner report described their rapist partners. The perpetrators
were described as very diverse, with employment patterns ranging from
unemployment to being highly employed and active in the community (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008). Some of the men fit
the violent stereotype but others didn’t. At least two men were described by
their victims as pillars of the community:
He is [his name] a councillor, in Rotary, a [name of award]
fellow. Citizen of the Year a few years ago. (Elizabeth)
[He] was the district governor for [named service
organisation]. (Sandie)
(Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008, p. 39)
The report found that most women believed that their rapist
partners would not see their actions as rape or sexual assault, even though
many of the reported assaults were extreme in their level of both physical and
sexual violence. Instead the women believe that the perpetrator would believe
that sex is their right as a husband, that it is the woman’s fault, that it was
normal, or that he couldn’t help himself because of his sexual urges (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008).
Easteal and
McOrmond-Plummer have drawn together research that shows that the mindset of
partner rapists is remarkably similar to that of stranger rapists. By comparing
the interviews with convicted stranger rapists conducted by Nicholas Groth, and
those conducted by Finkelhor and Yllo of admitted partner rapists, they were
able to show how the words of the men were strikingly similar in several areas;
power, anger/retaliation, insecurity/sense of inadequacy, sexual arousal
through causing pain/fear, a preference for coercive sex, and a sense of
entitlement (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006). Other research has
shown that men who physically batter their female partners are more likely to
rape them than men who do not. Their violence tends to start earlier in the
relationship and is more severe, and they are more likely to have been using
alcohol or drugs around the time of being violent. These men are more likely to
want sex after being violent, perhaps as a means of reconciliation, assault
their partner when they are pregnant, and be more dominant in the home (Russell, 1982).
As a part of her study Diana Russell developed a typology of
husbands in regards to wife rape. She found that they fell into five different
categories; those who prefer rape to consensual sex, those who enjoy both rape
and consensual sex, husbands who prefer consensual sex but are willing to
rape/attempt rape if their sexual advances are rebuffed, those who might like
to rape but don’t act on their desires, and those with no desire to rape (Russell, 1982). While the
husband-rapists were not the focus of the study, and a psychological profile of
a wife rapist could not be developed, some information regarding their social
characteristics was collected. It showed that there was no group that stood out
in regards to age, education, occupation or household income (Russell, 1982), indicating that Finkelhor and Yllo
were right when they said that the men they interviewed were just average guys (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985).
In his book Why Does He
Do That?: Inside the Minds of Angry and Controlling Men, author Lundy
Bancroft discusses abusive men and sex, laying out the beliefs of the abusive
men he has worked with in batterer’s programs (2002). The portrait he
paints is of a self-involved man who expects sex to meet his emotional needs; he
prides himself on his prowess, with bringing his partner to orgasm being a sign
of how good he is, rather than a desire to give her pleasure. She owes him sex and he decides how long is
too long between sexual encounters. He believes he is the sexual victim, with
his partner withholding sex as a way of controlling him. He depersonalises and
dehumanises his partner, seeing her as a sex object, like women in pornography.
And he sees sex as a cure-all, a way of gaining perceived forgiveness after
physical battery (Bancroft, 2002). Bancroft believes that pornography
fits the mindset of the abusive man well. It depersonalises and dehumanises
women, reducing them to body parts. It sets unrealistic expectations of sex, of
women, and of the role in violence in sex, and it can be used as a means to
break down the limits and boundaries of his victim (Bancroft, 2002).
BARRIERS:
Researchers generally agree that prevalence statistics, as
horrifying as they are, under report the problem of IPSV (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006; Heenan, 2004; Russell, 1982;
Weingourt, 1985).
One possible reason for the under reporting of IPSV is the lack of ability to identify
the experience as sexually assaultive, by both victims and those who come into
contact with them in a professional capacity (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008).
It never occurred to me that those things he did could be
considered sexual abuse or rape.
(Hite, 2009)
A failure by victims to identify
their IPSV experiences as sexually assaultive may have many causes. The victim
may be sexually inexperienced or have only experienced abusive sex in their
life (e.g. child sexual assault). Like many in the community they may have
subscribed to stereotypical beliefs about what constitutes ‘real’ rape, and who
‘real’ rape victims and perpetrators are. Or it may be a psychological defence
mechanism that allows them to deny the reality of their experiences (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006).
I sipped my coffee, lit another cigarette and said, ‘That did
not happen. That never happened’ (Linda)
(Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006, p. 111)
It is often not until a relationship has ended and the victim
is safe that they can allow themselves to acknowledge the reality of what was
done to them (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008). Professionals may
also have difficulties in identifying clients who are experiencing IPSV, or
have done so in the past. They are, of course, subject to exposure to the same
rape myths and beliefs as victims, perpetrators and others in the community, so
may hold the same stereotypical beliefs as mentioned previously.
One way for professionals to identify IPSV is to ask about
it. Raquel Kennedy Bergen found that many services for women who are escaping
from intimate partner violence do not routinely ask about sexual abuse (1996).
Other researchers have commented that how the question is phrased can make a
difference in identifying IPSV. For example, asking a woman directly if she has
been raped by her partner may illicit denials, especially if the woman herself
has not identified the experience as rape. However, by asking more indirect
questions, such as ‘Have you ever felt forced into sexual activity with your
partner?’ or ‘Does your partner do sexual things that make you feel
uncomfortable?’ professionals and researchers may open the door to disclosure,
even if the victim doesn’t identify the behaviour as sexually assaultive. In
some of the seminal studies on IPSV the word rape is not used at all in the
initial survey questions, with the term ‘forced sex’ seems to be commonly used instead (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1982).
Women’s Health Goulburn North East, in their report Raped by a Partner offer a list of
service recommendations for professionals who may come into contact with
victims of IPSV, such as counsellors, general practitioners and domestic
violence workers, which can assist in the identification and disclosure of
IPSV. They suggest that women be asked directly if they are safe in their
relationship and, if IPSV is disclosed, it is named as rape or sexual assault,
and the woman is given contact details for police as well as sexual assault and
domestic violence services. They also recommend following up the issue on
subsequent meetings (Women's Health Goulburn North East, 2008).
RAPE MYTHS AND SOCIAL PERCEPTIONS:
Myths about rape victims and perpetrators reflect commonly
held beliefs about who ‘real’ victims and perpetrators are and what ‘real’ rape
is. The more an example differs from what is considered to be ‘real’ rape the
less likely a victim is to be believed and receive widespread social support (Regehr & Glancy, 1993). Despite extensive
research showing that the majority of rape victims know their attacker (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2004), and come from all
walks of life, ‘real’ rape victims are still seen as virtuous, virginal
attractive young women who do not drink or use drugs, are dressed modestly, who
bear visible injuries from co-occurring physical violence, and strongly
resisted the attack (Easteal & McOrmond-Plummer, 2006). ‘Real’ rape victims
seek immediate medical assistance, report the crime to the police straight
away, and submit to the full range of evidence and forensic examination. The
more a victim deviates from the ideal of a ‘real’ rape victim the more
responsibility for their victimisation is placed on their shoulders. Due to the
dynamic involved in their sexual assault, victims of IPSV match few criteria
for being ‘real’ rape victims.
Rape by intimates is also subject to myths. Some of these are
common to all intimate partner violence, and others specific to IPSV. Beliefs
common to IPSV and other types of intimate partner violence include such things
as if victims didn’t like the violence they would leave the relationship after
the first incident, women provoke good men into assaulting them, and that women
routinely fabricate claims of intimate partner violence to punish their male
partners by depriving them of access to any children and being given the lion’s
share of financial and material assets in divorce proceedings (Flood, 2010). The most common
myth specific to IPSV is perhaps the one that says that it is less damaging
than other types of rape, something that has consistently been shown to be
false (Bennice
& Resick, 2003; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Heenan, 2004).
It has been shown that marital rape has a high rate of social
acceptance in comparison to rape by a stranger or acquaintance (Monson,
Langhinrichsen-Rohling, & Binderup, 2000). Monson,
Langhinrichsen-Rohling and Binderup’s study into attributions about date and
marital rape found that the longer the duration of a relationship, and the
greater level of pre-existing intimacy, the more accepting survey participants
were of forced sex and rape within the relationship (Monson, Langhinrichsen-Rohling, & Binderup, 2000). In another, study
participants were asked to rate the seriousness of IPSV with and without a
history of co-occurring physical violence. It was found that, where there was
no history of physical violence between intimates, survey participants viewed
IPSV as less serious than when there was, and that they “made the most rape
supportive and victim blaming attributions” (Langhinrichsen-Rohling & Monson, 1998, p. 440) with regards to such
situations. However, some caution must be taken in applying these findings as
the survey participants were all college students and may not be representative
of the wider community.
THE IPSV SERVICE GAP:
IPSV is a dynamic of both domestic violence and sexual
assault. It contains elements of both but does not fit the description of
either one alone. It is for this reason that victims of IPSV tend to fall into
a gap in services between those provided by domestic violence services and
those of sexual assault organisations, and may feel as though neither type of
service is willing or able to fully fill their specific needs (Bergen, 1996; Hite, 2009; McOrmond-Plummer, 2008).
Raquel Kennedy Bergen found that there is a general
reluctance by many domestic violence and sexual assault services to address
IPSV (1996). In her study of
services in both types of organisation she revealed that domestic violence
services tend to see “IPSV as simply another abuse” (McOrmond-Plummer, 2008, p. 6) and that some
workers deliberately avoided asking about sexual abuse as they were unsure of
their ability to assist victims and were afraid of the emotional fallout. Some
organisations had policies to send victims of IPSV to sexual assault services
as they did not believe it was their issue to deal with. However the rape crisis centre examined by
Bergen was also not prepared to take ownership of the issue, with IPSV victims
routinely referred to domestic violence services for assistance (Bergen, 1996). In any case, she
does not believe that generic domestic violence or sexual assault services or
support groups are sufficient for IPSV victims, a view supported by activist,
author and IPSV survivor Louise McOrmond-Plummer and others.
This is borne out by my own experience of membership in a
generic rape survivor group. There simply wasn’t the space to explore my
specific issues such as ambivalent feelings for the perpetrator and the deep
shame of having continued the relationship after being raped by him. This led
to a deeper sense of isolation and sense that my experiences didn’t matter
quite as much as those of other women.
(McOrmond-Plummer, 2008, p. 5)
I am still trying to find a “place” within the system where I
feel I belong. The domestic violence groups I have attended have mentioned
sexual abuse only in passing, without acknowledging the particular issues
related to IPSV. The local sexual assault service I was referred to refused to
accept me as a client as I was still in the relationship and being subjected to
abuse. ...But I still find myself looking for that “place” to belong as I
negotiate my healing journey, for a label that covers what I went through.
(Hite, 2009)
While it can be seen that some organisations are cognisant of
the needs of IPSV victims and are developing IPSV specific programs, such as
the one developed by the Washington Coalition of Sexual Assault Programs (Washington Coalition of Sexual Assault Programs,
2011),
there is no evidence found to show the level of uptake of such programs by
service providers. This is despite the fact that research over time has
consistently discussed the specific needs of IPSV victim in comparison to those
of non-sexual abuse by intimates and non-intimate sexual assault (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1982).
POSSIBLE FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS:
Much of the literature related to IPSV covers the same small
group of sub-topics, leaving large areas unexplored, to the potential detriment
of service professionals and victims alike. Some areas of possible future
research include contraception and reproductive coercion, IPSV in the absence
of other physical violence, and staying in the relationship.
Reproductive coercion as a part of intimate partner violence
and IPSV is a relatively new area of research, with a small but growing body of
peer-reviewed and non-academic literature. The various ways that perpetrators
control contraception and reproductions, pregnancy from rape by an intimate and
the effect of pregnancy on IPSV, and comparisons between forced contraception
and contraceptive refusal/sabotage are all topics that could be considered in
this area.
The topic of IPSV without co-occurring violence has appeared
in the research since Diana Russell’s ground breaking study published in 1982 (Russell, 1982). Termed ‘force-only
rape’ by Finkelhor and Yllo, it has been considered less damaging than
battering rape, and potentially due to or preceded by sexual conflict rather
than being a part of a wider pattern of abusive behaviour (Finkelhor
& Yllo, 1985).
Yet victim accounts show a high level of distress and confusion about the IPSV,
and trying to ascertain where their experiences fit in the overall pictures of
IPSV, domestic violence and sexual assault (for
example, see Hite, 2009). It would also be interesting to compare the
perceptions of victims of IPSV without co-occurring violence with those who are
battered and raped as to which service they identify with more; domestic
violence or sexual assault. Given that 1-10% of IPSV victims report no
co-occurring physical battery, further research in this area could benefit a
significant cohort of victims, as well as those who provide services for them.
One area of IPSV that has received little
attention is that of women who stay in a relationship with their rapist-partner
and why. While for many the answer may relate to an inability to identify
experiences as IPSV as discussed earlier, or balancing the known problem of
IPSV against the unknown of leaving the relationship, it must be considered
that for some women staying in the relationship can be done safely, with no
further abuse, if the perpetrator is prepared to accept responsibility for his
actions and act to change. There is some discussion of this topic in the
non-academic literature aimed at victims (Easteal
& McOrmond-Plummer, 2006; McOrmond-Plummer, 2011), and it could be of
benefit to victims and service providers if further research was done in this
area.
Other research that may be of assistance to
victims and service providers is an examination of IPSV specific programs. It
may encourage service providers to consider running such programs if there was
evidence showing that such programs have a demonstrable benefit to victims,
particularly if compared to generic domestic violence and sexual assault psychoeducational
programs and support groups.
CONCLUSION:
Intimate Partner Sexual Violence is a
serious social problem affecting 10-14% of women who have ever been married or
in a long term co-habiting relationship (Finkelhor
& Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1982). It is a highly gendered form of
violence with female victims of male intimate far out numbering male victims of
female partners (Heenan, 2004). Research spanning
thirty years demonstrates how much is known about IPSV while highlighting
issues such as the lack of a commonly used definition, and how varying survey
design and parametres can make it difficult to find a completely accurate
prevalence estimate. Despite this, prevalence rates have remained consistent
across time and location. The findings on the effects of IPSV have also
remained consistent, with researchers pointing out the severe short and long
term effects of this kind of victimisation.
Exploring thirty years of literature on
IPSV, and listening to the voices of the victims found therein, offers the
opportunity to examine what is known, and consider possible future directions
for research. While a lot has been learned since the seminal studies of
Russell, Finkelhor and Yllo, and Bergen, there is still a lot to learn about
the sexual abuse of women by their male intimate partners, and how best to help
victims heal from this type of victimisation.
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